It has been brought to notice terms related to female genital mutilation have been used interchangeably in the past and one such term was “female circumcision” that was used because the surgery bore some resemblance to male circumcision. This not only raised questions about the term but also the misleading comparison made with male circumcision. Male circumcision involves removing only part of the foreskin of the penis without impairing sexual function. Male circumcision was carried out to avoid infections and make men superior to women, even with regard to having sexual intercourse. On the other hand, women were forced to undergo such surgery for curbing sexual desires, not keeping in mind the infections and the consequences. This practice experienced by girls is called ‘Clitorectomy’ or ‘Clitoridectomy’ where partial or complete clitoris or even parts of the labia are removed surgically with lifelong side effects, and significant health and sexual impairment. 

The Origin of Female Genital Mutilation

When we look back and try to trace the origin of female genital mutilation, a lot of researches that were held clearly denote that it existed before Islam and Christianity came into being. Some researchers have traced it back to Egypt (5^th Century BC) on the west coast of the Red Sea. There were a few more dots that could be joined to be more assertive about this statement like the Greek papyrus in the British Museum (163 BC) which clearly showed signs of Egyptian mummies of women who went through such surgeries. Strabo, a Greek geographer, on his visit to Egypt in 25 BC reported that circumcision of girls was a tradition widely followed amongst Egyptians. They even gave it an identity of its own by calling it the “Egyptian style”. Curiously, today FGM is referred to as “Pharaonic circumcisions” in Sudan and “Sudanese circumcision” in Egypt!

Four Broad Categories of Female Genital Mutilation

With the establishment of its internationally accepted definition came the differentiation. Hence WHO classified female genital mutilation into four broad categories in 1995 and again in 2007.

• First: Partial or total removal of the clitoris.
• Second: Partial or total removal of the clitoris and labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora.
• Third: Narrowing of the vaginal orifice by cutting and creating a seal, with or without excision of the clitoris.
• Fourth: Every other harmful procedure of the female genitalia for non-medical purposes like pricking, piercing, and scraping.

Today’s Scenario

Even today as we speak of female genital mutilation we try coming in terms with reality and how gruesome the nature of this ancient practice can be that is still being carried out largely. Looking at the brighter side of the story we find many groups and organizations that have come together to work and eradicate this practice. They purposely made it a point to not refer to it as “Female genital cutting” out of respect for women who have undergone the ritual and do not wish to consider themselves mutilated. It is a highly sensitive issue and no woman wants to feel worse about it than it already is.

Female genital cutting is still prevalent in about 28 African countries, and among a few minority groups in Asia, affecting from 1% of women in countries like Uganda and Cameroon to about 98% of women in other countries such as Sudan. These practices might differ from country to country but the sole motive remains the same, some face limited or controlled forms of cutting in countries like Sierra Leone and others face extreme forms of surgery like Somali regions.

Female genital cutting is illegal in at least 26 of the 28 African countries in which it is practiced, and it has also been made illegal in several industrialized countries where immigrants or refugees from Africa may reside. FGM has no positive health values attached to it but its prevalence proves the value of women being closely intertwined with this tradition. A large number of girls drop out of schools after this procedure as education and schooling is not seen as a necessary part of their lives.

Female genital mutilation laws by country map

India’s Dawoodi Bohra Community

Right when we think India is not one of those countries that we look down upon for practicing female genital mutilation we realise it very much is! Such cruel practices happen not only in tribal societies or distant places like Africa but also by the Dawoodi Bohra community right here in our country. Young girls aged six and seven are regularly having to go through the unbearable pain of such surgeries without realising the impact that it leaves on women, both physically as well as mentally. About two million people belong to India’s Bohra community and between 75-80% of Bohra women are subject to female genital mutilation. The colloquial word for female genital mutilation inflicted on girls is ‘khafz’. The practice is kept secret and hidden from the public eye and media to keep it away from debates, disagreements, and criticisms. The mothers and grandmothers are usually at the epicentre of it to ensure that this practice continues decade after decade.

India does not as yet have a specific set of laws that criminalize FGM, mainly because the government still denies the existence of the practice knowing quite well about what goes on behind closed doors. Despite provisions of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences(PoCSO), the tradition has prevailed for decades together.

Conclusion

Unfortunately, myth-busting or a new law would not mean that all girls are safe. Almost all graphs and surveys fail to capture the real number of women who are subject to gruesome experiences as most of them are not allowed to even have an opinion about it and speak openly about it either. Changing a law alone cannot end the deeply entrenched practices, neither can it tackle questions about whether it can really legislate changes or not. It is often warned that any attempt to challenge such social and religious norms could incite a backlash or outlawing the practice would only drive it underground. As societies become more urban and industrialized, changes take place and bring in new pressures, pressures that require individuals and such communities to re-examine age-old beliefs, question traditional roles and reconsider established priorities with the view to make this world a better place.

Reference(s)

Murray, A., 2013. From Outrage To Courage. Monroe, Me.: Common Courage Press.

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Background of the coup

Mali, a Francophone country, has not for the first time experienced an unconstitutional transition of power. The year 2012, has been a watershed moment in the country’s political history. The coup in 2012 led to the election of the just-deposed President Keita. Once in office, Keita’s true colors started to surface, and he was soon regarded as an ineffective leader, who had failed to provide the economic stability and physical security that the country needed. Mali’s almost decade long experience of political upheaval started with the coup in 2012, as it created a power vacuum, which was effectively exploited by Islamic fundamentalist groups, by aligning themselves with ethnic militias and capturing territories in the North of the country. The country’s civilian and military leadership have spent the better half of the decade keeping a check on rising Islamic tendencies. Unfortunately, the violence has only risen over the years, resulting in mounting casualties and forced internal and external displacement of people. 

The country has also noted a manifold increase in contentious activities, most common of them being protests in large cities. One of the immediate causes leading to a string of protests around the country was the decision by the constitutional court to overturn the provisional results of March’s legislative elections, which led to Keita’s party winning 10 more seats in Parliament. What is astonishing is that unlike coups, in general, the Junta seems to have the support of the country’s citizenry. Looking back at the last decade and the political and economic struggles that the people have endured, such a trend is to be expected. However, less enamoured by the coup is the United Nations that had 15,000 peacekeeping troops in the country, France which has about 5,000 military personals in the country, and the ECOWAS, which has taken drastic decisions to impose border restrictions and halt all financial and monetary dealings with the country. 

Effect on Peace and Security

Apart from the obvious domestic ramification that followed the recent transition of power in the country, one of the greatest concerns is regarding the future of peacekeeping operations in Mali. The country under the reign of Keita was home to several international troops from France, America and at the same time, transnational bodies such as the United Nations Peacekeeping force. In the case of France, the new developments offer a dilemma, whether the French government will find a favourable partner in the new Malian leadership or whether they will choose to conduct their operations independent of the Junta’s control and influence. However, what has got international actors and scholars worried about is America’s redefined role in Mali’s future. America has been the linchpin of all counter-insurgency operations in Mali. By law, the US is not supposed to provide military assistance in the form of aid and troops to any government formed as a result of a coup d’etat. This raises questions as to whether the superpower will cease all efforts to assist Mali, or will bypass its laws to ensure an end to rising Islamic fundamentalism. 

The greatest impact of the events that unfolded on the 18th of August has been on the G5 Sahel Joint Force, which is made up of troops from Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritius, and Niger. The member states are considering placing sanctions on Mali and following in the footsteps of the ECOWAS. The current situation has also made us reflect on the refugee situation. Mali houses close to 45000 refugees and has recorded an internal displacement of about 250000 citizens. How the country develops and strengthens its relationship with partner nations in Europe and Africa will be instrumental in deciding the manner in which Mali will deal with its vulnerable population. For European nations, Mali’s security and stability is important as it curtails refugee flows to the southern borders of the continent. However, no concrete decision can be taken until the provisional government highlights its plan for future engagement with countries. 

Conclusion and what is next in store for the country

As the clouds of uncertainty gather over the republic, there is an air of uncertainty. There is widespread disagreement, regarding the reinstatement of Keita as the head of state. His ineffective leadership skills have led many to believe that a move of the following nature, will only plunge the country into further chaos. However, of late many have pointed towards Mahmoud Dicko, the leader of the protests as the next in line to lead the country. His widespread support among the civilians and his far-reaching influence over the politics of the country have resulted in him being the de facto ‘kingmaker’. The military leadership that initiated the coup has highlighted its three-year plan to shift to democratic rule and have requested international stakeholders such as the United States and France to continue aiding the country through this difficult time. Countries find themselves in a moral dilemma, as to whether to help the African nation or not. Many have emphasized the point that it is in the best interests of nations to assist Mali, because the last time the country underwent an unconstitutional transition of power, it provided Islamic fundamentalists with a chance to sow the seeds of discord and instability. 

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With that framework, the minority population established segregation among housing, education, and all spheres of life, creating three nations: one of the whites [comprising of people groups essentially of British and Dutch [Boer] family line, who battled for ages to increase political supremacy, a battle that arrived at its violent peak with the South African War of 1899–1902); one of the blacks (comprising of such people groups as the San hunter and gatherers of the north-western desert, the Zulu herders of the eastern levels, and the Khoekhoe ranchers of the southern Cape districts); and one of “Coloureds” (blended race individuals) and ethnic Asians (Indians, Malays, Filipinos, and Chinese).

The politically-sanctioned racial segregation system was despised and even fervently opposed by much of the world, and by the mid-1980s South Africa ended up among the world’s pariah states, the subject of financial and social blacklists that influenced pretty much every part of life. In the need compelled to stand up to the unsound idea of ethnic separatism in a multicultural land, the South African government of F.W.de Klerk (1989-94) started to rescind politically-sanctioned racial segregation laws. That procedure thusly set moving a change towards universal suffrage and true electoral democracy, which finished in the 1994 election which the appointed the long-imprisoned leader Nelson Mandela. This change witnessed the nation gaining social equality in a brief timeframe. South Africa has three cities that serve as its capital: Pretoria (executive), Cape Town (legislative), and Bloemfontein (judicial). 

ECONOMY

The economy of South Africa took a drastic turn in the late 19^th century when jewels and gold were found there, followed by large investments from foreign capitals. In the years after World War II, the nation formed a much-developed manufacturing base and encountered exceptional development rates, and at that time its development rated were most noteworthy in the world.

However, South Africa has encountered economic problems since the late 1970s because of the apartheid policies which led may countries to holdback investments and to impose international restrictions against it. South Africa’s economy didn’t quickly bounce back in the mid-1990s while apartheid was being disassembled, as capitalists held on to perceive what might occur. After the 1994 democratic elections, the investments poured in. Post-apartheid South Africa was then confronted with the issue of incorporating the recently disappointed and mistreated greater part into the economy.

In 1996 the legislature made a five-year plan—Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR)— that concentrated on privatization and the evacuation of trade controls. GEAR was successful in accomplishing a portion of its objectives yet was hailed by some as establishing a significant framework for future financial advancement. The government additionally executed new laws and projects intended to improve the monetary circumstance of the underestimated larger part. The Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) was introduced, it aimed to increase employment opportunities for those who were characterized under apartheid as black, coloured, and Indians, enhancing their working skills and incomes. This strategy was further extended through the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) Act of 2003, which attended to gender, social and racial inequality.

RESOURCES AND POWER 

South Africa is plentiful in an assortment of minerals. Other than diamonds and gold it also has a reserve for iron ore, platinum, manganese, chromium, copper, uranium, silver, beryllium, and titanium. Despite the fact that manufacturing has provided employment for decades, contributing towards the Gross Development Product (GDP) than mining, the mining segment keeps on shaping the centre of the South African economy as it holds companies to invest in other economic activities. Gold remains the most significant mineral—South Africa is the world’s largest producers—and stores are enormous; in any case, creation is gradually declining, and costs have never risen to their stupendous highs of the mid-1970s.

EDUCATION 

Since 1994, South Africa has made incredible walks in understanding the right to education, quickly fabricating an effective, available and quality education system for youngsters and youths. This outstanding advancement has been recorded over the three parts of fundamental training in youth improvement, primary and secondary education. However, notwithstanding these accomplishments, the possibilities and openings stood to kids in South Africa are still generally dependent upon which side of the inequality they were born. Poverty and Inequality stay cruel determinants, forestalling such huge numbers of kids from getting to the fundamental education that they deserve.

From birth to the last year of high school, kids born in poor family face a lot of challenges, which their co-students coming from a wealthy background may not. While access to ECD centres has expanded, the nature of learning and development programmes remain at test. An underqualified workforce paired with the poor implementation of the learning programmes sways ECD results. While giving quality learning and basic education has its difficulties, keeping youngsters in school to finish their education is another. A little more than a fourth of South Africa’s total children drop out of school before the finish of Matric – most of whom are from helpless territories and defenceless against various boundaries to education. This disparity of access is compounded by a sexual orientation imbalance that impacts little youngsters particularly.

SOUTH AFRICA AND ITS DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is answerable for South African foreign policy strategies. The Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) inside the Ministry of Foreign Affairs conducts contact with foreign governments and international associations on all issues influencing official relations. These relations are led through foreign government authorities, through representatives licensed to South Africa, and through South Africa’s authorized embassies, departments, and different missions abroad. Until the mid-1990s, the DFA and the conciliatory corps went up against various counter-establishment “strategic administrations” run by antiapartheid associations in a state of banishment, particularly the ANC. The point of these equal correspondence channels was to disconnect the South African government inside the global network as a method for forcing Pretoria to abrogate apartheid. 

After the abrogation of apartheid and the initiation of the democratically chosen Government of National Unity, South Africa’s foreign relations significantly transformed. The nation’s discretionary segregation finished, and existing relations with different nations and with international associations improved. South Africa restored discretionary and trade relations with numerous nations, especially in Africa, and set up new relations with some previous approvals “hardliners”, for example, India, Pakistan, Bahrain, Malaysia, Jordan, Libya, and Cuba. A few provincial and international associations welcomed South Africa to join or to renew its membership, including the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the United Nations (UN).

In addition, South Africa participated in international and bilateral sport, academic, and scientific activities, often for the first time in decades. Relations with the nations of the previous Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and Central Europe improved. South Africa had full political binds with thirty-nine nations in 1990; that number expanded to sixty-nine out of 1993, and to a maximum of 147 in 1995. Various foreign policies were brought into action before Nelson Mandela was appointed as President in 1994, for example, in mid-1994 de Klerk and Mandela, alongside the leaders of Botswana and Zimbabwe, interceded a conclusion to a military revolt in neighbouring Lesotho. In mid-1994, South Africa gave its first help to a UN peacekeeping activity when it provided medical clinic hardware for Rwanda. Likewise, in 1994, President Mandela consented to help settle the unmanageable common war in Angola, although he advised against unrealistically high expectations in this and other profound established political and ethnic clashes.

INDIA- SOUTH AFRICA RELATIONS

India’s relationship with South Africa is both fundamental and remarkable, going back a few centuries and is tied down in common ideals, ideas, interests, and icons – like Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela. In any case, their respective relationship stayed stressed for quite a while because of South Africa’s apartheid government. After its independence, India began its struggle for the position at international associations like United Nations (UN), Commonwealth, and Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), and was the main nation to have trade relations 1946, and in this way forced political and financial assets. Following a hole of four decades, India restored exchange and business ties in 1993, after South Africa finished its standardized racial isolation. In May 1993, a Cultural Centre was opened in Johannesburg. In November 1993, strategic and consular relations were re-established during the visit of then South African Foreign Minister Pik Botha to India. The Indian High Commission in Pretoria was opened in May 1994. In 1996, India opened its permanent Office of High Commission in Cape Town, which was re-assigned as Consulate General of India in 2011.

India and South Africa’s shared basic encounters and aggregate quality have formed how the two of them see the world together. As two countries who have shared their battle to independence, the obligation to improve the lives of others is inserted inside India and South Africa’s consciousness. After South Africa established democracy in 1994, it was the Red Fort Declaration on Strategic Partnership among India and South Africa, marked in March 1997 by then PM Shri Deve Gowda and Nelson Mandela, which set the boundaries for a revived relationship. The twentieth commemoration of marking of the revelation was honoured by an India-South African social spectacle involving music and dance performances, and an occasion composed by High Commission of India, Pretoria on April 9, 2017. This Strategic Partnership between the two nations was again re-certified in the Tshwane Declaration (October 2006). Both these announcements have been instrumental components that have contributed in the past to both South Africa and India for accomplishing their national objectives.

List of MoUs signed during the 10^th BRICS Summit, signed between India and South Africa were;

• Memorandum of Understanding between the Indian Council of Agricultural Research, New Delhi, India and the Agricultural Research Council, Pretoria, South Africa on Agricultural Research and Education.
• Memorandum of Understanding between Government of the Republic of South Africa and Government of India regarding the setting up of the “Gandhi Mandela Centre of Specialisation in Artisan Skills” in South Africa.
• Memorandum of Understanding between Indian Space Research Organisation and the South African National Space Agency on Cooperation in the Exploration and Uses of Outer Space for Peaceful Purposes.

South Africa can use its diplomacy not only at governmental but also as a non-governmental level. Utilizing scholastics and specialists outside of government to “include” information and ability to South African discretion, have gotten progressively normal. It is to be trusted that this training will proceed to help give what is expected to compelling interest in an inexorably intricate world. Thorough training of professional diplomats is, however, not unimportant either, and such persons should be retained for the foreign service to establish an ever-growing pool of experience in the DFA. These are on the whole parts of the “small scale level” of strategy and fundamental if the nation is to prevail at the global level. 

Moreover, thought should be given to the decision of various types of diplomacy and their blend; an inappropriate decision can have genuine results, as the Nigerian debacle would delineate. The topic of what balance ought to be kept up among respective and multilateral discretion has been raised; summitry should be utilized wisely; a fitting job for innovation in diplomacy should be discovered; the degree to which the nine areas or locales in South Africa can be permitted to lead their foreign relations should be considered; and, troublesome decisions should be made in regards to accentuation on various regions. Prioritising in diplomacy appears to be unavoidable as the conceivable outcomes are practically unfathomable, though the assets are quite restricted. This isn’t a difficult extraordinary to South Africa. 

The South African government is no world-exhausted system which has seen everything previously, but a youthful, excited organization anxious to show its gifts and beliefs. The government believes in the excellencies of relationship, co-activity and human qualities. It has understood that the present chiefs should be acceptable ambassadors who can adjust domestic and international pressure, who can make arrangements, and resolve debates, characterizing the interests of their states in harmonious manners.

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Past Challenges

The economic and social exploitation of the continent’s resources for decades along with horrendous violence and poor administration by corrupt leaders leading to widespread poverty and untimely deaths, which could have been prevented, has greatly contributed to its present economic scenario of Africa. Africa has witnessed one of the biggest cruelties of humanity, slavery. African slaves were supplied to American plantations which not only led to the loss of welfare due to denial of basic Human Rights but also hindered progress due to scarcity of labour in Africa. The anti-slave legislation solved the problem of scarcity and brought about a major change in the continent that led to the expansion of tropical agriculture in the economy.

However, that did not guarantee good days for Africa because, soon, they came under Colonial Control. The colonizers plundered their resources, worked them to death, impeded growth and development, and projected Africa as an economically weak continent in the global economy. They employed Africa’s necessary resources in the production and export of cheap primary commodities and raw materials only, which forced them to import the expensive manufactured goods which caused unequal trade transactions and greatly increased the trade deficits. The colonial rule has had serious long-term consequences on the economy of Africa and has greatly contributed to the underdevelopment of the continent.

Africa’s commendable growth potential is evident from the way it has bounced back from decades of torture and exploitation and maintained a somewhat average growth rate of 5% since 2000 in the Sub-Saharan region. This shows that Africa has the capability to increase and sustain its growth despite facing adverse conditions.

Present Scenario Due to the Pandemic

Despite not achieving the desired growth in 2019, forecasters were hopeful about the acceleration of growth at a stable rate, with an increase to 3.9% in 2020. However, due to the sudden onset of the pandemic, all prior forecasts have been rendered futile. New predictions state a sharp contraction in the Real GDP by 1.7% in 2020, indicating a 5.6% fall from the previous forecasts. These predictions are valid only for the short-term impact of the virus. If it were to last beyond the first quarter of 2020, then GDP would contract by 3.4%, i.e., a 7.3% fall from the previous predictions. This fall in GDP is accompanied by a 5% sharp rise in headline inflation due to supply-chain disruptions, thus, putting the economy in a state of stagflation. However, there is scope for the internal stability of the inflation rate due to immense fall in aggregate demand.  

Challenges Being Faced

Effect on Fiscal Deficits

The pandemic will lead to a great cyclical increase in fiscal deficits in Africa. It will happen in a two-fold process of decreasing government revenues and increasing fiscal expenditures to boost demand in the economy. In 2020, the deficits have been predicted to rise to 8% – 9% of the GDP, depending on the severity of the situation.

From the pandemics and other crises of the past, it has been noted that government revenues fall more rapidly than economic activity. Situations are more likely to worsen and be volatile to COVID-19 shocks due to the ineptitude of the administration in successfully implementing proper policy reforms to ensure smooth flow of government revenue.

Effect on Poverty

If there is a continuation of the prevailing trends, Africa will not be able to do away with extreme poverty by 2030, as planned before.  Taking into account the current scenario, there have been estimations that poverty will only fall to 24.7% in 2030 from 33.4% in 2018, which is still way above the 3% Sustainable Development Goal Target. Figures in the Economic Outlook of Africa (2020) indicate that the number of poor people will merely fall by 8 million, from 429.1 million in 2018 to 421.2 million in 2030. Only North Africa is expected to somewhat meet the 3% target by 2030.

However, the process of eradication can be sped-up by accelerating growth and development in the continent and taking measures to increase the social well-being of the people. Aggregate personal consumption needs a massive boost, of about 10% per annum, to help achieve the target by 2030. If these measures are not implemented properly then poverty eradication will remain a distant unachievable dream for the continent.

Other Challenges

There are other challenges being faced by Africa at the moment like increases in the debt burdens and fall in remittances and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Several countries in Africa have high debt-to-GDP ratios which are projected to drastically increase in the onset of COVID-19 and possess the risk of transforming to a sovereign debt crisis if not dealt with properly. In addition to it, remittances and FDI which constitute a dominant financial flow to Africa have been falling during the pandemic. This poses serious threats to the African economy and makes it vulnerable to economic instability.   

Policies to Ensure Stability

The African Economic Outlook (2020) suggests a few actionable policies to not only improve the quality of growth in Africa but also combat the impact of the pandemic. They are as follows:

• The government should ease the main constraints to productivity like poor infrastructure, uneducated and unskilled labour, poor administration, and others. Relaxing these constraints through adequate policy will guarantee growth revival.
• Governments across the continent should take adequate measures to not only stop the spread of the coronavirus but also economic stability by formulating and implementing a variety of combined fiscal and monetary policies.
• The fiscal and monetary policies should work hand-in-hand to collectively help in the revival of the economy. The fiscal policy should keep the debt buildup in check and provide a massive boost to aggregate demand and the monetary policy should work towards maintaining a stable inflation rate and minimizing exchange rate fluctuations. 
• There must be a shift from low-productivity informal sectors to high-productivity formal sectors which would help utilize the untapped resources of the economy.
• Despite the moderate growth of Africa over the past few decades, the quality of growth has been far from inclusive. Only a combination of rigid structural reforms by policymakers can accelerate Africa’s growth and improve its quality and inclusiveness. 
• Even if there is reduced scope for increased gains, policymakers should implement measures to sustain the gains already achieved in the past few years including macroeconomic stability, minimum fluctuations in exchange rates, and others.
• The government should increase the welfare of the people amidst the pandemic by providing proper healthcare benefits to labourers in the form of paid sick leaves and ensure income safety to those sick or quarantined and ensure job security to all who are suffering to check the increase of unemployment.
• The government should also facilitate Universal access to financed health services for everyone irrespective of their sector or employment status.

Conclusion

The Global Health Security (GHS) Index shows that 33 African countries are inadequately equipped to deal with the threats of the pandemic from a clinical perspective. However, Africa might stand a chance to stay strong in this adversity if proper arrangements can be made for rampant testing across the continent at affordable costs.

The future conditions of the economy depend on the competency of the governments to deal with the issue at hand. If the economies can uphold their resilience at this time, there is hope for a speedy revival and acceleration of the growth of Africa. This resilience can be maintained via effective structural reforms, to keep high debts and deficits in check, and minimal vulnerability, in the form of external reserves, to be able to finance imported advanced medical consumables and to make them available to the public. Thus, there has emerged an urgent need for policymakers to implement drastic reforms to strengthen resilience to be able to withstand shocks at all levels, be it macroeconomic, microeconomic or household levels.

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Later, the trade between Arabian peninsula and India was dominated by Arab traders from Oman and yamen. At the same time, Indian ocean trade between East Africa, middle east and India were dominated by Oman. Trade between Arabia and India became the backbone of Arabian peninsula by the end of the first millennium CE. 

Interestingly, Arabia had less to export to India and most of the goods flowed from India to Arabia. Expect, the pearl industry which was an important export until the discovery of oil in the Gulf region. In places like Abu Dhabi, Qatar and Dubai, pearl diving was a way of life. 

Relations between India and the Gulf region became stronger during the British raj when in addition to an economic component a military component was acquired by them. British had begun to dominate the subcontinent, by the mid 19th century, the control and influence exercised by them on Arab territory came as a result of their need to protect the sea lanes. The British conquered Aden in 1839, which was administered as a province of British India. A protectorate was established by the British in Abu Dhabi in the year 1820 and later on over Dubai, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and other states that would later form the United Arab States (UAE). The British affairs of Arab were managed by British officials in India and were garrisoned on British command by Indian soldiers. 

The relationship between India and the Gulf region began to change and reverse with the independence of India and the discovery of oil in the Gulf region. The balance of trade began to shift as a result of exporting oil. Today, 80% of oil is exported in India from the region and independent India failed to te the gulf economically as British India did. Despite the economic turn faced by India, it continued to maintain important relations with the region relative to others. By the 21st century, India’s export to the gulf region were more than the European Union. I.e. In the financial year 2012-13, India’s export to GCC stood at $51 billion according to financial times. About 15% of exports in India go to the Gulf. India was also the largest trading partner of Dubai until china overtook it in 2013. The strong relation between the two is maintained even today. 

INDIAN IMMIGRANTS AND THE GULF

India is the top recipient of remittances alongside being the largest country of international migrants. Since the ‘oil boom’ from the 1970s, Indian migrants to the gulf became a valuable source of income and backbone of economies for high-migration states through remittance transfer. During this period, the migrants have largely contributed to the economic development of the gulf region. 

However, In recent years’ condemnation of treatment provided to domestic expatriate workers and blue-collar in the region has cast the migration in a less favourable light, demanding greater attention from the government of India to worker welfare and diaspora issues. Regardless of this, complaints of abuse, hardship and exploitation persist.
The return of workers has increased and the outflow of migrants has slackened due to fluctuation in the oil market, economical slowdown and changing gulf policies. The coronavirus pandemic too clouds the future of gulf-India migration relations, which would be a challenge for the government of India as well as the workers and their families dependent on them due to healthcare and livelihood challenges that they would have to face. 

The usual return to jobs after the travel ban ends is far from assured. Return of labours and New jobs depend upon the economic capacity of the gulf. Indian migrants who would return to gulf would be required to present their medical certificates as per the mandate of Kuwait authorities. However, once the pandemic ends, Gulf states could impel sweeping wide-ranging departures. A more likely scenario is an adjustment of reliance on foreign workers followed by a cut in government contracting and levying of high employer and visa fees. Either would give a blow to the economy of India as well as to the families and communities of people who have long served the gulf states as a lifeline.

KUWAIT EXPAT QUOTA  BILL

Among the large number of migrant workers that India sends to the world, a total of 9 million Indian migrants are employed in the Gulf region. USD 82 billion in form of remittance were received by India during 2019 as per world bank report. Due to the pandemic, many workers are left in a vulnerable condition as the countries of destination are failing to provide new economic opportunities because of which the migrant workers are returning to India. Kuwait’s total population stands at 4.3 million, out of which 3 million are migrant labours among which over a million belong to India. As a result of the rising pressure over the economies, Kuwait became the first among the GCC countries to introduce a bill aiming to deport migrant workers from the country. During the first week of July, Kuwait decides to roll out a bill to reduce the number of foreigners in the country as proposed by the PM. 

 According to the new ex-pat quota bill approved by the Kuwait authorities on reducing the number of foreign labourers in the Gulf region, eight lakh Indians can be forced to leave their jobs and return to India. The legal and legislative committee of the national assembly has determined that the bill is constitutional. The bill allows a maximum of 15% Indians in the region, while the Indian community consists of 1.45 million of its population making it the largest ex-pat community in Gulf. Due to the pandemic and a slump in oil prices, government and the lawmakers call for a reduction in the number of ex-pat community in the country. Kuwait remains the largest source of remittances for India, the country received nearly $4.8 billion from Kuwait as remittances in the year 2018. Most of the COVID positive cases in Kuwait come from foreigners as the disease spreads between the migrants living in overcrowded housing. 

IMPACTS OF THE NEW BILL

Some important facts on both sides- India and Kuwait need to be considered at this point. Now that the Kuwait government is planning on sending back foreign workforce, the authorities would need to perform a rain-check and see if the local population have the requisite skills and knowledge to perform the jobs. These semi-skilled work involves low pay and therefore attracts migrant workforce, the willingness of the local community to take up the jobs would impact the market of Kuwait. 

While the Indian government has launched SWADES (Skilled Workers Arrival Database for Employment Support) to record data relating to skills of migrant workers returning to India, which can be used by recruiters to appoint and use workers in India. However, the current market is already suffering from the pandemic and a considerable number of people have lost their jobs, in such situation it won’t be easy to reintegrate these returnee workers in the domestic market. Many of the labourers are returning without getting paid what was due to them which would be another roadblock in the reintegration efforts. These workers would join the people who have returned through Vande Bharat mission and are looking for jobs in the country. Return migrants should be included in the employment and social development programs offered by central and state governments irrespective of where they come from. A number of these people might consider re-immigrating, for this, the Indian government must check the markets and deport migrants to that area where demand is high. 

CONCLUSION

At this point, India needs to strengthen its ties concerning migrant labours with Kuwait and other GCC countries, where most of the Indian workforce resides. While maintaining bilateral ties is important, a roadmap needs to be prepared for the development of international migration policy for labours which would take into consideration both returnees and migrant workers from the country. In a regional meeting under the aegis of MEA (ministry of external affairs) organised by India together with Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, the strengthening of bilateral relations during this times to protect migrants workers was deemed to be a priority, which was supported by the International Labour Organisation (ILO). 

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Agriculture

Agriculture is one of the top sectors in Africa with immense growth potential. The sector contributes to over 15% of Africa’s GDP and has shown a good growth rate due to prior government policies that prioritise the sector to retain its sustainability and competitiveness. The top-earning agricultural products are coffee, cocoa, maize and wheat with Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia and Uganda as the top producers.

Large areas of arable land, increasing use of technology, massive youth dividend, increasing government support and a large demand base make agriculture an attractive sector for investment despite the problem of erratic rainfall pattern in some places.

By the year 2050, it has been predicted that Africa’s population will almost double with a growth rate of 2.7% per annum. To meet the growing needs of the population, substantial investment from its global peers is absolutely necessary. That will also help the sector to grow and enhance its status as a global competitor, help in economic diversification and also mitigate the prominent problems of undernourishment, poverty and hunger that exist in the region.

Manufacturing Sector

Africa possesses an abundance of raw materials that can be easily turned to manufactured products for greater reliance on local products and increased exports of the same. The top three manufacturers in Africa are Egypt, South Africa and Morocco.

The growth of manufacturing can greatly drive economic growth and development in Africa. However, the sector faces challenges like lack of skilled-workforce, infrastructure gaps including low power supply and inadequate regulatory measures to address the prominent challenges. The import to export ratio of manufactured products in Africa is very high as Africa mostly exports unprocessed commodities. The growing manufacturing sector is making great advances in this aspect. It has already increased the total export goods from 18.7% in 2012 to 35.6% in 2017 and caused a significant decrease in imports implying greater importance to domestically manufactured products.

There has also been a shift in the focus of FDI projects from the dominant extractive industry to consumer-facing industries like retail, technology, media, etc. This trend is expected to continue in the near future.

Retail Sector

The African Development Bank is expecting the current 350-million-strong middle class to grow to under one billion by 2040. The growing middle-class demography is contributing to the growth and modernization of the retail sector which is greatly devoid of supply competition and requires investment to meet the growing consumer base. The market for essential goods constitutes the majority of consumer spending owing to the low-income levels in the economy and as the income-level status is not expected to undergo a drastic change in the recent future, the comparatively smaller market for luxury products will have a low growth rate.

As a large amount of consumer spending in Africa taking place in informal markets, due to the absence of prominent formal retail presence, is unaccounted for, Africa is projected as an economy with low household retail-spending despite that not being the case.

“The Brookings Institute’s latest analysis on trends of the African consumer market shows that consumer expenditure has grown at a compound annual rate of 3.9% since 2010 and reached US$1.4 trillion in 2015. This figure is expected to increase to US$2.5 trillion by 2030.”

There are several cyclical challenges related to the retail sector, like low GDP growth, high inflation, dwindling credit extension. The challenges can be used as opportunities to enhance the growth of the sector by focusing on the development of the retail infrastructure and modern logistics spaces to satiate the demand for high-quality space from retailers looking to expand in Africa.

Finance

Finance is one of the top sectors in Africa which regulates the funding of all the other sectors. Financial innovation guarantees the diversification of banking sector services and facilitates the incorporation of capital market instruments to reduce investment risk.

Rwanda, The Gambia and Senegal have shown massive progress in financial system rankings. However, there has been an overall decline in Africa’s global financial standing from 2017 – 2018 due to a fall in the pace of reform of this sector.

The impact investing industry has shown substantial growth and is quite relevant as several countries in Africa lie below the global average score for Human Development (0.8) with declining levels of official assistance. The industry has made an abundant impact across a wide range of sectors like Healthcare, Agriculture, Housing, Education and others. This provides ample opportunities for investment in several initiatives which will reap both financial and environmental returns.

Some of the prominent threats to this sector include underdeveloped market infrastructure due to limited funding, difficulty in gathering viable investment to meet financial and social targets, limited capital supply, unclear regulatory environment, inconsistent impact-measures and so on. These might prove to be a disincentive to many and hinder their investments. However, a far-sighted investor might implement innovative measures to meet the pending gaps and turn these challenges into opportunities to optimise social and environmental investments.

Infrastructure

Infrastructural inadequacy causes a huge hindrance to investment and growth in all sectors of Africa. There is a wide gap between the infrastructure needs of the continent and the amount being spent on fulfilling the need. There is an urgent need to bridge the gap through sufficient investment to meet the growing needs of Africa.

In countries like East Africa, Ethiopia and Tanzania, infrastructure investments in the form of new roads, energy support, transportation networks and others have led to guaranteed growth and transformation of the prevailing sectors. Construction has been primarily responsible for high economic expansion in Egypt. Infrastructural developments lead to employment generation via contractors, boosting aggregate demand. Investment in infrastructure by foreign players can prove to be very beneficial as it would provide the required sophistication to the local industry by supplying goods needed for large projects.

Real estate has evolved significantly, providing higher returns on investments, thus, becoming increasingly attractive to potential investors. Despite having good growth potential, real estate has certain risks attached to it like complex legal considerations, such as property ownership rights, social instability resulting from inequality, and others. However, the growth drivers like sustained high demand driven by urbanisation, improved capital regulation, technological advancements in banking leading to a boost in investment rates, and expected GDP growth supporting the demand for housing easily overshadow the challenges.

Conclusion

For many years, Africa’s growth potential has been understated and misunderstood. It has been treated as a non-friendly investment destination due to the several challenges posed. However, there has been a worldwide lack of understanding of the ease of converting the insurmountable challenges to opportunities. Africa’s growing population and the prevailing problem of excess demand need to be met via increased investment and innovation which will, in turn, lead to increased employment, decreased poverty and increased infrastructural development. Thus, despite Africa’s slowing global growth, if the prevailing challenges are addressed adequately, growth is inevitable.

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Swarming

The swarms are enormous masses of tens of billions of flying bugs. Locust swarms can travel up to 81 miles and more each day, with 40 billion to 80 billion locusts packed in half a square mile. A swarm of locust in the year 1988, flew from West Africa to the Caribbean, covering a distance of 3100 miles in just ten days. One of the locust’s species- the desert locust, is found in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, they inhabit an area of about six million square miles or thirty countries. Desert locusts possess a threat to the economic livelihood of a tenth of humans. Locusts are migratory, transboundary pests. They ride the winds, crisscrossing swaths of land until they find something they want to munch on. They especially love cereal grain crops, planted extensively across Africa. 

How Do Locusts Affect Food Security?

“The locusts are in your field for a morning, and by midday, there’s hardly anything left in your field, it’s just eaten.” Locusts are voracious eaters. Each locust can eat its own weight in plants, so a locust’s swarm comprising of 40 to 80 million locusts can consume about 423 million pounds of plants every day. The largest locusts outbreak occurred in 2003 and lasted till 2005, and damaged crops worth $2.5 billion. Studies showed that the effect of this outbreak was largely felt by the subsistence farmers. This in return affects the education of the children who grew up in that period since it was difficult to go to schools, and girls were disproportionately affected. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), locust invasion is an unusual threat to food security and livelihood in parts of East and West Africa, South West Asia, and India. Africa is very vulnerable since they had consecutive years of droughts, heavy rains, and floods. The potential hunger threat to Africa is tremendous since it is a region where 42 million were already slated to face acute food insecurity.

The map points towards the Global Forecast for desert locust (May- July). The map shows the threat to agricultural production in East Africa, the Indo-Pak border, Sudan, and the Sahel in West Africa. The danger is likely to increase due to rainfall and spring in East Africa. The swarms have begun migrating from Baluchistan and can be seen in Rajasthan, India. The locust attack can be termed as a “two-front war” since it is a challenge for India and the African continent to ensure food security as well as fight the COVID-19 pandemic. Food security in the Afro- Asian region is at risk since the locust is breeding in East Africa, Yemen, and Southern Iran.  

According to the 2020 Global Report on Food Crisis, there are 135 million severely food insecure people spread across fifty-five countries and territories. Most of these people are in the Middle East and Asia, Lake Chad Basin, Central Sahel, Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, and Central America. A study by the World Food Programme shows that 130 million more are thrust towards hunger due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This gives a total of 265 million food-insecure people who would need food and nutrition as they lack any means to survive the health and economic consequences of the crisis. The monsoon season in East Africa and India would create a perfect environment for locusts to breed. Food shortage already prevailing in these regions, further these locusts attack would lead to increased food security. 

In India already 1.7 hectares of agricultural land in Rajasthan and Gujrat has been destroyed by locust attack. The presence of locusts is also detected in Punjab and Haryana. Experts suggest that locust mainly breeds in rainwater and areas affected by the cyclone. The rising temperature and changes in the climate would worsen the situation in the upcoming month. The Agricultural Ministry is investing in spraying equipment and drones to prevent the attacks. Since they can have catastrophic on Rabi crops in Rajasthan and Gujrat. Scientists warn that the locusts could push agrarian parts of India to the brink of disaster, severely disrupting food supplies and slashing earnings for millions of struggling farmers. 

How is the World Fighting Locust Attack?

Countries are taking various steps to the invasion under control, but with the outbreak of the coronavirus, it has become more difficult to fight the locust attack. In this difficult time, it is important to adapt to integrated environmentally safer measures. These may include:

1. Preventive Measures: Early detection infrastructure can be used for tracking, thus helping in keeping an eye on the spread of locusts. 
2. Post-outbreak Control Measures: Using environmentally friendly biopesticides, since it will not harm the environment and ecosystem.
3. Integrated Approach: Countries shall form effective policies and enhance social security programs, including compensation for farmers, producers, and local community residents.

The primary effect is taken by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation, which runs the Desert Locust Watch to track locust migration patterns. A US $ 500 million program approved by the World Bank to support countries like Africa and the Middle East affected by the locust attack. The main aim of the program is to help the affected households, cover up their immediate food needs and protect their physical and human capital assets while building up national surveillance and early warning systems to diminish future outbreaks. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration has teamed up with the United Nations to remodel technology earlier used for tracking smoke plumes from fires to foresee a locust attack.

Conclusion

The combined crisis of Covid-19 and Locust is a major challenge and may lead to more disasters such as drought, disease, and increased poverty. The loss of agricultural productivity, the discontinuity of supply chains, the lack of labour, and the disruption of wholesale and transport markets due to the lockdown have had a catastrophic effect on the economy. The closing of borders as part of the quarantine measures has imposed restrictions on the movement of probable aid to tackle the locust problem.

This calls for an integrated strategy with increased monitoring, surveillance, and expenditure in a preparedness program to make vulnerable nations more immune to locust attacks. Social security, such as insurance, must be given to farmers and consumers through effective governance.

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