Understanding of colonial origins and ethnic violence in India

The author takes the examples of Jaipur & Ajmer and Malabar & Travancore to show the contrast in ethnic violence and religious violence between both. The British did not rule all of India directly, their rule was direct in the form of British administered provinces or native ruled princely States. This was largely a result of the 1857 riots which scared the British and put their expansion on hold as they figured out a better model to control the Indian territory.

According to Verghese, local rulers were more progressive towards caste issues and friendlier to tribals as opposed to those of the opposite religion. For example, the Nizam of Hyderabad was hostile to Hindus, the ruler of Kashmir was hostile to Muslims. He gives examples of Jaipur vs Ajmer and Malabar vs Travancore. Jaipur was ruled by a Hindu king while Ajmer was a British province. He claims that Jaipur till date has a strong polarization/conflict over religion while Ajmer is relatively peaceful while it is the opposite in the case of caste-related conflict.

He makes a similar case Malabar which was ruled directly by the British while Travancore was under a Hindu ruler. He also claims the Malabar rebellion was largely based on caste-based fault lines due to the lower castes who converted to Islam fighting against the landlords who oppressed them. He goes on to cite evidence of arrests of a large number of Hindu bandits during the time where the disturbances started as well as the fact that during the early stages of the revolt, there were Hindu lower castes as well who fought against the British administration as well as the landed class who were mostly Hindu upper castes.

He explains how Hindu rulers while being antagonistic towards Muslims and Christians were pretty progressive in recognizing tribal property rights and even tried to empower them. The British who were spooked by the 1857 riots and worried about religious fanaticism, tried to secularize their administration and were more worried about religious conflict. Their actions such as giving a greater representation of Muslims in their administration helped reduce religious conflict. On the contrary their policies such as declaring criminal tribes, a census that identified and listed the castes that were considered ‘untouchables’, declaring some tribes as criminal tribes and prosecuting them created more barriers against social mobility for the lower castes and also increased the stigma against them.

The British interest in exploiting forests led them to deprive the property rights of tribals, ones which no ruler in India, including the Mughals, ever imagined or tried. Rulers in India largely recognized the rights of tribals over forests and were even given recognition/appointment in the royal courts/administration.

He uses this theory and uses statistics to calculate the chances for religious/ethnic violence in many districts and he finds that statistically his theory holds good.

While his theory holds well for the cases he lists, he also mentions Bastar which is the hub for caste-based violence/conflict. This would disprove his theory since Bastar was not administered by the British and had a ruler. he explains this conundrum that while it was true on paper, the rulers of Bastar were mere puppets and the British had a huge history of interference even replacing the rulers and changing their own rules to maintain their control. and by proxy, they implemented the same policies against the tribals as they did in British administered territory.

Personal Views on The Colonial Origins of Ethnic Violence in India

Personally, I’m not totally sold on this theory as a general explanation or an overarching theory of ethnic conflict in India. But for the cases he specifically mentions, it does seem that he might have a point. Since there are many complex variables that are hard to quantify such as the amount of British interference in the administration of princely states/territories (almost none in the case of Travancore versus high in the case of Bastar), it would seem that it would be hasty to use statistics to jump to a conclusion since these variables cannot be properly quantified.

Also, some of his data is based on surveys of various govt officials, academics and maybe that’s an acceptable methodology to gauge sentiments, I think there is no substitute for hard empirical data since it is prone to biases. It was an interesting read for sure, but this theory doesn’t seem watertight.

Also while he states that the data shows a lesser amount of religious conflict today in the Malabar region than compared to Travancore. when I asked a bunch of people who reside in Kerala, all of them felt the opposite(i understand that’s not a reliable indicator) but some of the most violent riots like the Marad massacre seem to have occurred in the Malabar region.

Also personally I think that sometimes you can’t just use the number of incidents of religious conflict as a proxy for how strong the religious conflict animosity in an area is. one big large scale riot that is extremely violent is not the same as 10 smaller ones with an equivalent injury/kill count spread over a few years. Also, his data doesn’t capture the number of people who participate in a riot, which can also be a good indicator. If 5000 people take to the streets it definitely means a lot more than smaller groups causing equivalent damage to life and property.

About the author

Ajay Verghese is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Riverside. Verghese was a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center at Stanford University from 2012 to 2013.

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The Chittagong Hill Tract: Acts Implemented by the British Empire

However, it must be remembered that the British Empire bore the colonized with the fruits of colonial forestry that altered India’s ecology. Nonetheless, it must be mentioned how the onus of responsibility has been placed on the Raj for deforestation. The dense forests of the Chittagong Hill Tracts were perceived to be a source of revenue for the British and declared it to be Government property under the guise of protection (Golam, 2005, p: 7-10). The practice of kumri was now denounced under the British Raj which had been known as shifting cultivation where trees had been burned and seeds were then sowed in the ashes, performing as a fertilizer (Rajan, 2006, p:1-112 ). It was argued that it had resulted in deforestation and soil depletion. The shifting cultivators had been engaged in competition with the colonial state for forest resources. This could be perceived as the beginning of intolerance against the indigenous consumer of the forests, as hunting for livelihood was now criminalized. However, the commoditization of forests was detrimental for the British Empire to pronounce its dominance. The Act XXII of 1860 brought the Chittagong Hill Tracts under the jurisdiction of the British Superintendent and was made a subdivision in the Bengal Region (Barua, 1971, p: 514-518). The Chittagong Hill Tract Regulation Act of 1900 put forth the trajectory of separation by reaffirming restrictions on immigration. By this law, it was the Deputy Commissioner under whom jhum cultivation could be regulated. The Government of India Act, 1935 designated the Chittagong Hill Tracts as a “Totally Excluded Area”.

It was in 1947 that the establishment of two nation states: India and Pakistan were established as sovereign. It was Cyril Radcliffe, the Head of the Bengal Boundary Commission who suggested the inclusion of CHT in Pakistan (Ashrafuzzaman, 2014, p: 39-53 ). The Chittagong Hill Tracts was incorporated by the Pakistan who she had directly governance over. By the constitution of Pakistan, proclaimed under the Dictatorship of Ayub Khan in 1962, the CHT was declared as a ”tribal area”. It was believed that the Kaptai Dam was to be established across the Karnaphulli river during 1959- 1963 which was a hydroelectric project and the stepping stone for industrialization. This led to the displacement of over 100,000 indigenous people and many were compelled to resettle in India. As a result of continuous economic exploitation, resistance was the only solution for East Pakistan.

The Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971: Government Sponsored Violence in the Chittagong Hill Tracts

It was in 1971 that Pakistan withdrew, although the Liberation War brought to the fore violence by both East and West Pakistan. The Bengali freedom fighters declared the tribespeople as supporters of Pakistan and were tortured. However, it cannot be forgotten that the Bangladesh Liberation War was fought in 1971 by the indigenous communities who were a minority as well as by the majority population constituted by Bengali Muslims against West Pakistan, the former believing the claim that their rights would be restored to them after independence. The Bangladesh Liberation War must be analyzed as an imposition of the Urdu language in Bangladesh with a pursuit for Muslim rule (Wolfgang, 1984, p: 1-126).

In 1972, Manobendra Narayan Larma, the only representative in parliament of CHT led a delegation and placed demands to the Prime Minister, Majibur Rahman such as the establishment of a Legislative Assembly in the CHT, restricting the movement of outsiders in this region and lastly the continuation of the designation of Tribal Chief Offices which was outrightly rejected. A new political party was born known as Parboti Chottogram Janasanghati Samati or PCSS, coupled with its armed wing known as Santi Bahini. The indigenous communities were collectively termed as Jumma (Islam, 2003, p: 137-160). However, no special status was awarded to CHT by Bangladesh after it gained independence and its population was accorded the citizenship of Bengali which denied the separate identity that its indigenous community had. The Constitution of Bangladesh in 1988 declared Islam as the state religion, the victims of religious persecution has been the Jummas and the Hindus. Temples had been destroyed of both Hindus and the Jummas alike. There has been an influx of Bengali Muslim settlers with the support provided by the Bangladeshi Army which has resulted in the significant reduction of the Jumma population. The International Labor Organization has brought to the forefront the annihilation of the indigenous people.  

The Peace Accords: A Failure

It was in 1997 that the Peace Accords were signed between Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the PCSS. The Accord stated that the Bangladesh Government would withdraw its troops from the Chittagong Hill Tracts, although human rights violations have continued to occur even after the treaty had been signed. Rabi Shankar Chakma, the Central General Secretary, in an exclusive interview with Hill Women’s Federation has commented on how CHT has still been under military occupation by the government. The Army’s influence plays a vital role in the failure of the implementation of the Peace Accords. Adding to that, the Bangladeshi National Party has espoused an attitude that can be termed as uncooperative. It violated the terms of the treaty by not appointing a minister belonging from the indigenous members of the parliament. Detentions of the Jumma have accentuated. Massacres have been occurring since 1976 and women have been victims of sexual violence as rape has been utilized as a tool. Not only that, but looting has also occurs predominantly. Many such incidents can be cited to propound the role of an authoritarian government that has repressed the voices of the Jummas. Hill’s Women Federation which represents the rights of Pahari Women in the Chittagong Hill Tracts has reported the rate of rapes at 67% during 2011- 2012.

Therefore, it is important to point out that the Chittagong Hill Tracts is such a region that has been fraught by communalism which has been fueled by discrimination of the Government of Bangladesh, and their perception of the Jumma community. While this same government has spoken out for the displacement of the Rohingya Muslims, it has remained silent on the terrors it has engaged in. 

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WHAT ARE THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF ABUSE?

Abuse can be of many types and though this article will be focusing mainly on sexual abuse, it is important to understand most of them. Broadly there are 6 types of abuses: Physical, Verbal, Mental, Financial, Cultural and Sexual. Physical abuse or violence is to do with invading one’s personal space and hitting, beating etc. Linked to such abuse is domestic abuse or what is called Intimate Partner Violence. Verbal or Emotional abuse is also relevant to this paper. Emotional abuse can include belittling someone, making fun of someone, constantly critiquing someone etc. Unlike physical abuse, emotional abuse is harder to visibly identify. Mental abuse occurs when one is made to believe that one is crazy, where one is constantly made to reach the brink of a breakdown. Constant gaslighting, ‘victim playing’ etc are examples of mental abuse- a series of actions which wears away at the other’s sense of mental well being. When actions which amount to mental abuse occur over a sustained period they can make the person feel like they are “ going crazy”.

Financial abuse is essentially control of economic resources. Money is a huge source of power and withholding the same amounts to an abuse of power. This would include not letting the survivor open their bank accounts, not giving them money when they need it etc. Cultural abuse amounts to using a part of the survivor’s culture to abuse them. For example not letting a Muslim practice Ramdan or threatening to ‘out someone’ because of their sexual orientation. Sexual abuse includes various actions under it. This includes but is not limited to grabbing someone’s private parts, forcing anal sex, forcing vaginal penetration, forcing cunnilingus/oral sex. It also involves using sex as a weapon or using it as the basis for assigning someone value. It is essentially, “ unwanted sexual activity, with perpetrators using force, making threats or taking advantage of victims not able to give consent”. Usually, sexual abuse, in the case of women includes penetration as shown in a study in 1999. Studies have also found that there is no significant correlation between childhood emotional abuse, physical abuse and neglect in adult sexuality, independent of the other forms of abuse. Hence since sexual abuse is the only concept which has shown to have an independent impact on sexual health most of the times, I have focused on that. However, I also touch upon the impact of intimate partner violence and emotional abuse

SEXUAL SELF CONCEPT

Snell and Papini in 1989 came up with the concept of sexual self-concept- how an individual feels about his or her own sexuality. According to them, the sexual self-component has three components: “Sexual Self-Esteem (SSE) (dispositional tendency to positively evaluate one’s ability to relate sexually with others), Sexual Depression (SD) (chronic tendency to feel sad and discouraged about the sexual aspects of one’s life) and Sexual Preoccupation (SP); the continuing tendency to be absorbed and obsessed with sexual thoughts and behaviours that practically prevent one from thinking about other matters” (Snell, Fisher, & Schuh, 2001; Snell & Papini, 1989).

 SSE and SD were opposite constructs of the same psychological dimension that is if one believes one is satisfactorily being able to engage in sexual congress and relate sexually with others he/she will not face SD- feeling like one has failed to do ‘well’ sexually. Wiedemann & Allgeier, 1993 found a positive relationship between SP and SD in men which lead to overall low self-esteem and clinical depression. Heinrichs et al 2009 found that SSE is an important aspect of sexual health. SSE is learnt from one’s sexual history, relationships with peers and familial context (Gaynor and Underwood,1995). Studies show that SSE is negatively correlated to sexual risk behaviours and sexual abuse but is positively correlated to sexual assertiveness, sexual satisfaction, sexual identity, wellbeing, body image and perceptions of physical attractiveness. Lack of SSE has been found in women who are survivors of sexual abuse, cancer and women who use drugs. It is important to understand the concept of sexual self-concept because of its link to the concept of “traumatic sexualization” which is extremely relevant to this paper. Finklehor and Browne (1985) stated that because of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) one may be confused about one’s sexual self-concept and have unusual emotions attached to sex. Essentially CSA, according to this concept leads to an inappropriate sexual identity. For example, the belief that only by engaging in sexual congress will one be ‘loved and saved’.

THE IMPACT ON FEMALE SEXUAL HEALTH

Generally, it has been found that women who have been sexually abused have a higher sexual drive, more number of sexual fantasies, engage in a lot of masturbation and sexual intercourse (Meston et al 1999) However conversely an older review by Browne and Finklehor (1986) found CSA to be linked in women to inhibited orgasm, lower sexual self-esteem and negative attitudes towards sexuality. Women have also reported their sexual abuse negatively. Such a stark difference between how men and women view sexual abuse can be explained by the following reasons. Women are more likely to face sexual abuse at a younger age compared to men. Child sexual abuse amongst females is more likely to involve incestuous acts whereas the same isn’t the case with men. Moreover, many men do not see sexual abuse as abuse because of the physiological response of an erection to forced stimulation of their genitals. Some men cannot discriminate between mental and physiological(which is out of their control when their prostate is stimulated) responses to abuse and hence incorrectly remember the event as something “ they enjoyed”. Female promiscuity which is a natural result of child sexual abuse goes against the feminine norm of submissiveness and restraint when it comes to initiating sexual congress, because of such a clash, women may come to see themselves as sexually atypical (unrestricted, damaged etc). However, for men, such a self-perception will not be formed because they are expected to be sexually unrestrained. Kinder and Bartoi, 2008 have reported that women who have been sexually abused are more sexually dissatisfied, more non-sensual and less satisfied with the overall quality of their recent sexual relationships as compared to non-abused women. Dore (1994) stated that a combination of childhood physical and sexual abuse results in unsafe sex and alcohol and drug-related sexual behaviour.  A study of a sample in Iran also found that women who experience Intimate partner violence show sexual dysfunction. Pulverman (2018) showed that repeated CSA leads to sexual dysfunction in women. This would include disorders of desires and arousal. CSA also leads to low sexual arousal in females. CSA is defined as unwanted sex between an adult and a child involving penetration vaginally, orally, anally using one’s organs or foreign objects. This link occurs for many reasons. Meston and Heiman 2000 found, using a card-sorting task that abused women who have been abused show that they perceive sexual stimuli negatively. Secondly, the Sympathetic nervous system activation may also explain why women who have experienced abuse do not find pleasure in sex. SNS activation (increased heart rate, breathing, muscle tension etc) occurs both during abuse and sex. However, it is possible that during chosen sexual congress as well, the survivor may relive portions of their abuse. It is because of this that SNS arousal in abused females is already high. Hence the ‘normal’ arousal which accompanies intercourse may make the cumulative SNS arousal too high for females, resulting in either pain or unsatisfactory sexual experiences. Low body image and a negative sexual self- concept have also been used to explain such a reaction. Jennie and Penelope also found that abused partners are more pre-occupied with sex, younger at first voluntary intercourse, are more likely to become a teenage mother and show lower birth control efficacy. They also show that if the girl has been abused by the biological father, it results in higher sexual ambivalence and aversion in her.

THE IMPACT ON MEN SEXUAL HEALTH

Meston et al 1999 found that for men frequency of emotional abuse independent to any other form of abuse was negatively correlated to sexual satisfaction and body image. One reason for this could be that because of said emotional abuse, global self-appraisal was affected, that is because of constantly being told one is worthless, ugly etc one may start viewing themselves as such and this may affect their body image. Another proposed reason was emotional abuse in men leads to a fall in self-efficacy which consequently leads to a fall in their dating efficacy. Therefore, this results in an inability to initiate dates as is assumed to be the norm for men, due to which their sexual pleasure may be impacted, however, further research needs to be done in this area. Romano and Luca 1999 found that men do not report sexual assault. This is because of many reasons, firstly because of the fear of being termed as homosexual. Since in most cases of male sexual abuse the abuser is also male, the survivors feel that if they report such a case they may invariably be termed as homosexuals. Secondly, men have to follow the pervasive norm of being stoic and restrained. By reporting their abuse men seek to violate this norm and hence usually opt for silence. Lastly, boys are given more freedom than girls during childhood. Fearing that this freedom will be snatched away from them if they report that they have been abused, they shy away from reporting child sexual abuse. Child sexual abuse in men leads to more externalising behaviour (aggression) whereas, for women, it leads to more internalising behaviour. It is a combination of the fear of being a homosexual (because of the fear that reporting abuse by a man may be synonymous to being gay) and a belief that the abuse happened because they were showing feminine attributes ( being a ‘sissy’, wearing ‘girly pants’, having fewer muscles and a soft voice), that sexual abuse in men leads to compensatory behaviours. This would include excessive masturbation, hypersexuality, aggressive sexual behaviours etc. Brie (1996) explained the cycle of compensatory sexual behaviours wherein the survivor seeks partners to receive nurturance, but then finds such a superficial contact unsatisfactory after the initial excitement fades which leads to the individual seeking another sexual partner. Moreover, if the survivor experiences an orgasm during the abuse it may lead to a life long obsession with abuse-related masturbation. However, it is important to point out here that the anus, for men, is extremely sensitive and when stimulated may lead to ejaculation or erection. This is because the stimulation of the prostate leads to physiological responses in men which are beyond their control. 

THE IMPACT ON THE LESBIAN GAY BISEXUAL COMMUNITY

CSA victims and LGB adolescence usually experience the same feelings. This is because both have similar feelings of sexual confusion, shame and have a stigmatised identity. Sexual abuse influences sexual identity formation. This is because many gay people explore sex with other people before coming out, and hence this “coming out” process may be affected. Specifically, some LGB individuals who have experienced CSA may engage in sex before their non-abused peers and some may avoid sex altogether.  Brady, 2014 explained how the coming out process may be affected by stating that CSA retards the Homosexual Identity formation(HIF) process (Cass, 1979).The  six stages of HIF are: (a) Identity Confusion, (b) Identity Comparison,(c)  Identity  Tolerance,  (d)  Identity  Acceptance,  (e)  Identity  Pride,  and(f) Identity Synthesis. The first three stages concern the question “Who am I?” while the latter three stages concern the question “Where do I belong?”.  CSA impacts homosexuals in a very unique manner, CSA, in any case, leads to confusion, inferiority and despair in individuals. If one adds to this a culture which disdains homosexuality it results in an entire population of people who have difficulty in reconciling an affirmative gay identity. For example, a case study shows that CSA in a 60+year-old man retarded the HIF process so much that he did not come out until he was above 65. This was because the first stage of identity confusion was prolonged. Studies have also shown that gay men are at a higher risk of physical and sexual abuse and Wrights (2001) stated that gay men engage in a spiral of risk wherein they perform high-risk sexual behaviour just so that they can belong avoid abandonment. This leads to a negative impact on self-esteem. Hall (1999) stated that problems in sexual relationships in lesbians as a result of sexual abuse arise in different forms. This includes high sex risk-taking behaviour, an inability to express sexual needs, fear of initiating sex, inability to discriminate between sex, love and intimacy etc. Herman 1992 stated that repeated trauma erodes the structure of personality already formed, but also repeated trauma during childhood forms and deforms the personality. It is perhaps because of this that gay men choose abused partners and have problems in finding love and managing their relationships. 

THE GENERAL IMPACT OF ABUSE ON SEXUAL HEALTH 

Dionne 2016 found that abuse of power in relationships which takes the form of sexual abuse has a two- dimensional impact. If the individual seeks to end their pain by using drugs, engaging in multiple sexual relationships, the risk of Sexually Transmitted Infections may increase. Whereas if the individual seeks to heal by participating in ceremonies, seeking out spirituality etc such risks reduce. Studies have also shown that In sexually abused individuals the following sexually inappropriate behaviours exist; Unplanned, interpersonal sexual behaviour, Self-focused sexual behaviour, Planned coercive interpersonal sexual behaviour. HAVOCA , a social group found that sexual abuse could also lead to sexual dysfunction, painful sex, celibacy, avoidance of sex in all genders. They may also become promiscuous if they feel they are only good for sex because survivors are not taught that their worth is independent of their sexual desirability. They face an inability today NO. This is because they fear if they do so their only worth as an individual will disappear or they will face punishment or rejection. Abused individuals may also prefer one night stands ( a study shows that women do) however the more they know a person the less they want sex. This is because survivors are unable to disconnect sex from intimacy and cannot connect sex and love. 

CONCLUSION

This paper is relevant for many reasons. Firstly because it provides an insight into why STI’s maybe so prevalent in gay men- as studies have shown that gay men are at a higher risk for sexual abuse. Secondly, it highlights research areas which haven’t been touched upon and need further academic evaluation. Thirdly, it allows us to understand why some men and women are so sexually promiscuous. The differential impact for men and women also indicated that the therapeutic process for both these sexes needs to be different. It is difficult to elaborate on how one can treat the impacts of abuse in short. Mostly therapy is the path which is heavily relied on. If an abused individual is in a relationship, interpersonal and intrapersonal communication can also go a very long way. Survivors often need to be the initiators of sex in order to feel in control. This is an important thing for partners to understand. Joining support groups also has a positive impact on abused individuals. Child- parent therapy and trauma-focused cognitive therapy are the two types of therapies that are usually recommended. Therapy usually allows the individual to develop healthy coping mechanisms, and understand the root of their maladaptive behaviours. One should always offer support to an abused individual, remind them that they were not at fault and if possible, help them feel safe (if your relationship with them is an intimate one). Equine-assisted therapy and mindfulness techniques have also helped abused individuals/survivors.

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Confinement in homes, and lack of steady incomes, seems to have been fostering tensions and frustration in households and strain due to concerns over health and security. The lockdown is also putting women in isolation with violent partners, with nowhere to turn to for help. In India, the National Commission for Women has reported a 200 per cent increase in the reporting and stress call numbers of domestic violence on their helpline in the month of June alone.

Even before the lockdown was imposed, domestic violence was one of the most prevalent violations of human rights and a key impediment to the implementation of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) with one in three women have experienced it at some point in their lives. Economist Amartya Sen has estimated in 1990 that more than 100 million women are ‘missing’ — that includes those that never lived because of sex-selective abortions and infanticide, child neglect and maltreatment. That number was revised in 2015 to 136 million – this just shows how females have been subject to violence, at times even before they are born, at an alarmingly high rate.

Furthermore, it is essential to address that violence against women not only affects individuals, but also households, families and communities. However, the only way to change this stark reality is to hold the aggressors accountable and ensure that the problematic social norms that perpetuate the instances of violence are also tackled in an inclusive manner. The SDGs act as an apt framework to work off of, in order to shape a violence-free world – here’s how:

SDG 1: No Poverty

Women’s work – in agriculture, in communities, and at home, fuels economies and yet, isn’t regarded as ‘economic activity’. The exposure of females to incessant discrimination and mistreatment at the workplace makes them vulnerable and susceptible to gender-based violence. Women and girls are four per cent more likely to live in poverty and poor living conditions, a risk that rises up to twenty-five per cent as we factor-in other inequalities. Financial independence for women creates new opportunities and avenues for them to reject typical gender norms and leverage independence against violent partners. It also helps them to create a mentality of freedom and a sense of self for themselves. As a result, the reduction in poverty proves to be a catalyst towards enabling women in societies.

SDG 4: Quality Education

An estimated 246 million girls and boys experience school-related violence every year and one in four girls say that they never feel comfortable using school washrooms, according to a survey on youth conducted across four regions by the United Nations. Quality education is essential to ending violence against women. Educated girls are more likely to make their decisions towards family planning and managing finances, it is fundamental for the development of aspirations and skills, and children of educated women are more likely to have been safeguarded against malnutrition and illiteracy. Educational exposure also enables women to get access to leadership and decision-making opportunities. Hence, it propels them into a cycle of development that helps them create barriers to economic violence at home or in their communities.

SDG 5: Gender Equality

According to a 2018 report by United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in India, 18 per cent of women and girls aged between 15 and 49 years of age have experienced physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner or family member in the past twelve months. Further, someone is known to them – every day kills more than 137 women around the world. These figures represent a fraction of the discrimination against women in terms of opportunities, wealth, inheritance, safe access to public spaces, lack of decent work, and safe and healthy environments of living, learning, working, and engaging with their communities. These inequalities leave them extremely vulnerable to gender-based violence.

SDG 8: Decent Work and Economic Growth

Unsafe and poor working environments affect women regardless of their age, location, income, careers, or social standing. As of 2020, 18 countries have laws that enable husbands in preventing their wives from going to work. UN Women estimates that the economic costs of violence and harassment amount to US$12 trillion every year. As of 2018, 59 countries do not have laws protecting women from sexual harassment in the workplace. Economic growth cannot be achieved without the inclusion of women and their contribution to sustainable development in an empowering work environment.

SDG 11: Sustainable Cities and Communities

In developing countries, concerns of safety and restricted access to public transport reduce the probability of women participating in the labour market by 16.5 per cent. As the processes of urbanization and industrialization catch up to tier two and tier three cities, the UN estimates that more than 5 billion people will reside in cities by 2030. This becomes an essential notion to address in the light of crimes against women that are prevalent in most urban regions. Further, there is widespread human rights abuse in many industries, such as fast fashion, many of which employ women in majorities. Women may be subject to exploitation in such circumstances and need to be safeguarded against such instances.

SDG 16: Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions

In 37 countries, rape perpetrators are exempt from legal prosecution if they are married to, or subsequently marry the victim. Improving access to justice for survivors, and strengthening the legal framework against violators is an essential step towards making justice accessible for women – be it against violence, sexual misconduct at the workplace, or any crime against them. It is further imperative for women to mobilize and advocate support for their personal rights and those of their communities. This can be done digitally, individually, or at any level.  

Conclusion

At this point in time, COVID-19 is already testing humanity in unprecedented capacities. The shadow pandemic that we have had to face additionally is a mirror to the kind of societies we have built for ourselves so far. As we emerge from the pandemic, we must renew the outlooks towards inequalities and factor them into our responses to create a more equitable and sustainably sound world.

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